This book, an eclectic polemical skewering of everybody's least favourite social science, is another that I'm writing a proper review for on the Rethinking Economics blog. I've just finished reading it in a mad splurge, having realised that this review was due about three weeks ago (fortunately they haven't noticed its absence yet). John Weeks, the author, is unsurprisingly a big fan of the student movement to 'rethink economics' (oh hey yeh that's why it's called that) - hence his bestowing upon us this copy for free. He's scrawled "CHANGE THE PROFESSION!" inside the front cover, which I love; it's lent the book purpose in the context of my involvement with leftyism generally and RE specifically. Anyway, I'm currently away on RE's nation-wide campaign planning weekend in Edale - everyone else is arriving in a couple of hours but I had nothing to do all day so I got an early train with the intent of going for a walk in the hills but it's been chucking it down, so I slinked off to a pub where I read the last few chapters of this punchy little book, begged for the wifi code, and am now writing up a rudimentary explanatory post on my phone over a pint. Don't worry, I'll write up a proper review for the RE blog when I get back to Sheffield, and will insert the address into
THIS LINK TO THE FULL REVIEW
[Edit November 2016: it appears that during a recent re-vamp of Rethinking Economics' website, the entire blog has been lost into the Error 404 ether - so pasted below is my review's text.]
THIS LINK TO THE FULL REVIEW
[Edit November 2016: it appears that during a recent re-vamp of Rethinking Economics' website, the entire blog has been lost into the Error 404 ether - so pasted below is my review's text.]
Mainstream
economics, as communicated to the masses by private media, is a series of
pseudo-scientific explanations for neoclassical theory that prop up a status
quo in which the rich prosper at the expense of everyone else. If this sounds
like quite a hard-core Marxian take on the dismal science’s place in modern
capitalist society – well, it is. This is John Weeks’ central point. If this
review comes across as aggressively leftist, I assure you it’s only because I’m
emulating the book.
Unabashedly
polemical, Weeks writes with an indefatigable fire (sometimes even spilling
over into sardonic jokes about ‘fakeconomists’ or our corporate overlords) that
would get quickly tiresome were it not for the sheer quantity and quality of
compelling arguments he makes for his case. With a Ha-Joon Chang-like humour
and clarity, he applies real-world pluralism and common-sense against the
abstract tenets of neoclassical ‘fakeconomics’. It’s readable, it’s illuminating,
and if you’re a generally-left-wing reader you may find yourself (as I did)
swept into a deeper critical suspicion of mainstream economics than you ever
thought possible.
In the
majority of the book’s chapters, he tackles a major myth propagated by the
mainstream, exposes its flaws and fallacies, and deconstructs it to show how
these ideas are constructed as ‘truths’ because of how they benefit the rich
and powerful. He thus engages the finance sector, free trade, resource
scarcity, unemployment and competition, government intervention, deficits and
debt, inflation, and more. At the core of making all these chapters work are
his ongoing threads elucidating upon the facts that all markets have
socio-political origins and structures, and that some people have more power
within these structures than others. That is; firstly that everything a
capitalist society flourishes upon from its economic activity is dependent on
structures being in place to allow fair and free market activity; and secondly
that some individuals may be better placed to privilege from these structures
in ways that others aren’t. These arguments seem so vaguely agreeable that they
are hard to deny – sure, we can define ‘fair’ or ‘free’ or ‘better placed to
privilege’ in a variety of ways, but ultimately, if we accept these reasonable
points, then vast swathes of plutocratic propaganda (i.e. mainstream economics)
go out the window. We reopen arguments within economic theory to political
critiques, which have always been more sympathetic to the real world than
economic theory itself.
These
chapters are bookended well. The first chapter lays out an idea of what good
(or at least realistic) economics is, as opposed to the ‘fakeconomics’
purported by the mainstream, and which is far more susceptible to hijacking by
vested interests. The penultimate chapter, following the thrust of the book as
discussed above, is a focused study of austerity – a perfect example of policy
that makes the poor poorer, the rich richer, and has almost no grounding in
sensible well-thought-out economic theory. Once one understands the basic
Keynesian principle of managing aggregate demand, then the rationale for the
slow painful ‘paths to recovery’ via cuts to public services and the sale of
public assets completely dissolves and these policies are seen for what they
are: barely-concealed power-grabs by wealthy corporate actors. Western
austerity is a bleak testament to the relentless grip the 1% holds and moulds
their populations’ opinions in.
In the final
chapter, Weeks lays out some rough ideas about what an economics for the 99%
would look like. His propositions are grounded in an approach that, while
broadly pluralistic, bears its primarily-Marxian heritage proudly, and I think
constitute some familiar and important pointers for where economics as a
subject needs to be taken – chiefly, democratised, politicised, and opened to
plurality and interdisciplinarity of debate. Robert Cox, a political economist,
wrote “theory is always for someone
and for some purpose”: in any social
science we should maintain a somewhat-critical lens, as the theories we seek to
apply can’t be neatly abstracted away from the social phenomena we’re applying
them to, nor from the moral or normative implications of engaging with real
people’s issues. Cox argued for political economy as Weeks does for economics
that we should strive to reform the disciplines into emancipatory efforts, not
explaining away structures that support those with wealth and power but
constantly intellectually challenging the status quo so as to yield pragmatic
outcomes that benefit, rather than exploit, as many people as possible.
One of the
key next-steps for economics then is to widen public understanding and
participation in the subject. Neoliberal hegemony was able to take root, and
maintain its legitimacy, by providing ‘economic explanations’ for its actions,
which Weeks has argued are in large part patently false, but democratic society
allowed these a free pass because they were also clad in the impenetrable
mathematical jargon of neoclassical economic theory. We need to challenge the
preconception that because something is widely-taught and respected by journals
it is right: we need to push for critical discussion and pluralism within
economics. And more importantly, we need to dismantle the
‘far-too-difficult-for-normal-people’ label attached to understanding of
socioeconomic topics, to produce and disseminate accessible resources to
empower non-economists to engage in these debates. Self-education is not just
something Post-Crash societies do – it’s something everyone needs to do, to
understand how the society we’re part of works so we can best act as political
individuals within it. Just as Weeks highlights in his introduction, erasing
public ignorance of economic reality is crucial if we want democratic societies
to be steered by the educated masses rather than a manipulative handful.
Hopefully
the relevance of this book to the Rethinking
Economics movement will be evident. Our aims are to demystify, diversify
and reinvigorate economics: politicising the subject as much as John Weeks
proposes will certainly do the third; the implied necessities of public
understanding and pluralism tick off the first and second too. While this book
is altogether more radical than RE
(which I should restate is non-political), if you’re curious I would argue that
a reasonable and realistic economics would find itself far more closely aligned
to such strong-left positions than it would to the current neoliberal orthodoxy.
And I’m not going to argue this point here, because John’s written a whole book
full of brilliant points as to why.
No comments:
Post a Comment